Systemic Text Generation as Problem Solving

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Advanced Search. Include Alias Names. Author ID. Uniform Title ID. Library ID. Organization ID. Remember Lib. Related Books: 1. Author s Matthiessen, Christian M. Bibliographic Information Text generation and systemic-functional linguistics : experiences from English and Japanese Christian M. Matthiessen and John A. University of Tsukuba Library Mie Univ. Library Note Bibliography: p. Description and Table of Contents Description Text generation is the processing of information that is stored at a higher level than grammatical structures and lexical items such as sentences and words , organizing and re-expressing it so that it can appear as a worded text.

Of course it interests those working on artificial intelligence, but it should also interest linguists as a linguistic research task. The image of linguistics in computational areas is often derived from Chomsky's work, but this is limited because there are many areas crucial to computational linguistics - discourse, context and register, for instance - which fall outside Chomskyan theorizing. For this reason Matthiessen and Bateman prefer to use systemic linguistics, which interprets and represents language not as a rule-system for generating structures but as a resource for expressing and making meanings.

There is a similarity between problem-solving in artificial intelligence and the systemic-functional approach to language developed by Hallida and adopted by Matthiessen and Bateman.

Both involve the use of a network of inter-related choice points a system network making explicit what resources are available. Using examples from English and Japanese the authors explain what systemic-functional linguistics is, and how it can be useful in the task of text generation. And the tighter the academic market became, the harder we worked. We tried to win it.

I never thought the system was equitable. I knew it was winnable for only a small few. I just believed I could continue to optimize myself to become one of them. We liked to say we worked hard, played hard — and there were clear boundaries around each of those activities.

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Grad school, then, is where I learned to work like a millennial, which is to say, all the time. Our health insurance was solid; class sizes were manageable. I taught classes as large as 60 students on my own. Either we kept working or we failed. So we took those loans, with the assurance from the federal government that if, after graduation, we went to a public service field such as teaching at a college or university and paid a percentage of our loans on time for 10 years, the rest would be forgiven.

One thing that makes that realization sting even more is watching others live their seemingly cool, passionate, worthwhile lives online. I find that millennials are far less jealous of objects or belongings on social media than the holistic experiences represented there, the sort of thing that prompts people to comment, I want your life.

That enviable mix of leisure and travel, the accumulation of pets and children, the landscapes inhabited and the food consumed seems not just desirable, but balanced, satisfied, and unafflicted by burnout. The social media feed — and Instagram in particular — is thus evidence of the fruits of hard, rewarding labor and the labor itself.

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The photos and videos that induce the most jealousy are those that suggest a perfect equilibrium work hard, play hard! For many millennials, a social media presence — on LinkedIn, Instagram, Facebook, or Twitter — has also become an integral part of obtaining and maintaining a job. And as in childhood, the work of optimizing that brand blurs whatever boundaries remained between work and play. The rise of smartphones makes these behaviors frictionless and thus more pervasive, more standardized. In the early days of Facebook, you had to take pictures with your digital camera, upload them to your computer, and post them in albums.

Now, your phone is a sophisticated camera, always ready to document every component of your life — in easily manipulated photos, in short video bursts, in constant updates to Instagram Stories — and to facilitate the labor of performing the self for public consumption. But as sociologist Arne L. Kalleberg points out , that efficiency was supposed to give us more job security, more pay, perhaps even more leisure. In short, better jobs.

Lecture 20 - Problem Solving on Random Number and Random Variate Generation

If anything, our commitment to work, no matter how exploitative, has simply encouraged and facilitated our exploitation. And we get a second gig. All of this optimization — as children, in college, online — culminates in the dominant millennial condition, regardless of class or race or location: burnout.

Finishing the massive work project! People patching together a retail job with unpredictable scheduling while driving Uber and arranging child care have burnout.

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Startup workers with fancy catered lunches, free laundry service, and minute commutes have burnout. Academics teaching four adjunct classes and surviving on food stamps while trying to publish research in one last attempt at snagging a tenure-track job have burnout. Freelance graphic artists operating on their own schedule without health care or paid time off have burnout. World-famous BBQ!

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Even the trends millennials have popularized — like athleisure — speak to our self-optimization. We use Fresh Direct and Amazon because the time they save allows us to do more work. Time in therapy, after all, is time you could be working. But planning a week of healthy meals for a family of four, figuring out the grocery list, finding time to get to the grocery store, and then preparing and cleaning up after those meals, while holding down a full-time job?

Millennial burnout often works differently among women, and particularly straight women with families. A recent study found that mothers in the workplace spend just as much time taking care of their children as stay-at-home mothers did in One might think that when women work, the domestic labor decreases, or splits between both partners.

Millennial parenting is, as a recent New York Times article put it, relentless. Go to yoga! Use your meditation app! I feel so burned out. Commiseration or advice? The end result is that everything, from wedding celebrations to registering to vote, becomes tinged with resentment and anxiety and avoidance.

Maybe my inability to get the knives sharpened is less about being lazy and more about being too good, for too long, at being a millennial. There are a few ways to look at this original problem of errand paralysis. Many of the tasks millennials find paralyzing are ones that are impossible to optimize for efficiency, either because they remain stubbornly analog the post office or because companies have optimized themselves, and their labor, so as to make the experience as arduous as possible for the user anything to do with insurance, or bills, or filing a complaint.

Sometimes, the inefficiencies are part of the point: The harder it is to submit a request for a reimbursement, the less likely you are to do it. The same goes for returns. Finding a doctor — and not just any doctor, but one who will take your insurance, who is accepting new patients — might seem like an easy task in the age of Zocdoc, but the array of options can be paralyzing without the recommendations of friends and family, which are in short supply when you move to a brand-new town.

Other tasks are, well, boring. The payoff from completing them is too small. The consequence is two-fold. First, like a kind of Chinese water torture, each identical thing becomes increasingly painful. In defense, we become decreasingly engaged.


To be clear, none of these explanations are, to my mind, exonerating. But dumb, illogical decisions are a symptom of burnout. We engage in self-destructive behaviors or take refuge in avoidance as a way to get off the treadmill of our to-do list. Some people who behave this way may, indeed, just not know how to put their heads down and work.

Living in poverty is akin to losing 13 IQ points.

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Millions of millennial Americans live in poverty; millions of others straddle the line, getting by but barely so, often working contingent jobs, with nothing left over for the sort of security blanket that could lighten that cognitive load. The steadier our lives, the more likely we are to make decisions that will make them even steadier.

War with North Korea looms. Our primary concern with the incredibly volatile stock market is how its temperament affects our day-to-day employment. The planet is dying. Democracy is under serious threat. In his writing about burnout, the psychoanalyst Cohen describes a client who came to him with extreme burnout: He was the quintessential millennial child, optimized for perfect performance, which paid off when he got his job as a high-powered finance banker.

One morning, he woke up, turned off his alarm, rolled over, and refused to go to work. He never went to work again. In the movie version of this story, this man moves to an island to rediscover the good life, or figures out he loves woodworking and opens a shop. The best way to treat it is to first acknowledge it for what it is — not a passing ailment, but a chronic disease — and to understand its roots and its parameters.